Speech by Youth activist Nathan Stuart at RNU’s recent Ard Fheis –

In the December of 1921, the Anglo-Irish Treaty was sold to the people of Ireland as not true independence but “the freedom to achieve freedom”. Michael Collins and supporters of the treaty argued that through constitutional means and the ending of revolutionary action against imperialism that re-unification could be achieved.

77 years later history came full circle, after another conflict aimed at ending Britain’s imperial grip on Ireland, a political settlement was reached. The Good Friday Agreement.

The Republican Movement’s leadership sold this agreement to its grass roots and support base as, like in 1921, a ‘stepping stone’ type document. Stating that through ‘Strand 3’ of the agreement, Republicans could lobby for a ‘border poll’ and that this was key to achieving the re-unification of the Island.

A cursory glance at the mechanisms contained within the agreement reveal the clear limitations, of a strategy born from the watering-down and abandonment of principles and the embracing of British State constitutionalism.

The mechanisms of Strand 3, the apparent key to the ending of partition, give the British Secretary of State ultimate authority over whether a border poll even takes place, coupled with a unionist veto.

If we ignore the fact that all polls refute that the people living within the boundaries of the gerrymandered state, would not vote for a change in the current political set-up, which has actually give cause for the pro-union, reactionary DUP to support a border poll knowing the result would be in their favor. For such a strategy to even take effect we must depend on unionist politicians as well as the very state that denies us our sovereignty to grant their permission, to ask a minority of our population to vote on independence. An inherently anti-republican, partitionist and strategically flawed position.

Due to the flaws of the border poll another strategy towards re-unification has emerged. A small section within republicanism are attempting to lay the groundwork for an ‘All Ireland Referendum’.

The need for a dual-critique of this strategy stems from the fact that the proponents of the referendum are divided in opinion as to the actual mechanics of their own strategy. Those that argue for a referendum outside of the state structures, ignore two realities that ensure failure. As I have previously mentioned, all polls state that support would be minimal and the campaign would not gain the momentum needed, which is to be expected from a campaign based on patriotism and nationalist sentiment alone. This form of referendum is also inherently flawed as there is no legal requirement for Westminster to even acknowledge the result, no matter the level of support gained.

There are those that believe in the referendum that have pointed towards the Scottish model of referendum and wish to replicate it here. This of course would involve the lobbying from within British state structures and in short would be a recognition of Britain’s right to retain political control over Ireland and its sovereignty.

A dangerous flaw contained within both the border poll and referendum strategy is that both depend on a ‘greening’ of the electorate, dependence on increasing the nationalist identity as the only means of achieving independence while ignoring the economics in which a United Ireland would be based on would undoubtedly lead to sectarian conflict, communal withdrawal and can only be viewed as a solely nationalist venture which would be counter-productive to republican aspirations.

Republican Network for Unity adhere to the strategy of ‘From Reform to Revolution’. Summarised, this consists of the belief that to radically and permanently alter the political and economic landscape of a country, a revolutionary strategy is required.

The term ‘reform’ contained within the name of this strategy is not to be confused with any notion of changing the state from within but is simply a recognition that RNU in their current stage cannot expect mass support for an entirely new economic and political system, no matter how well we put forward an argument for one.

For this stage to be reached we must aid the working class in their immediate struggles. Gaining their support through involving ourselves in campaigns such as anti-eviction campaigns, the tackling of water charges and defending our health care system. Through this we as a party will gain a platform to argue for permanent social change and the destruction of Imperialism in Ireland

The only strategy that can achieve this is the building of a revolutionary movement, that through the use of a variety of tactics such as; mass rallies, industrial sabotage, strikes, tax resistance etc can effectively bring down the current political set-up and replace it with a new system. A system that places the means of production, the country’s natural resources and decision making bodies in the hands of the Irish working class.